Covid-19 should have been a decisive wake-up call to deal with inequality and poverty. Instead, we have seen deeper inequality and greater instability in Africa exacerbated by global powers, especially rich countries, who failed to ensure that big pharma distributed vaccines equally between states

Deprose Muchena, Amnesty International's Director for East and Southern Africa

Amnesty International Report 2021/22: The State of the World’s Human Rights finds that these states, alongside corporate titans, have in fact driven deeper global inequality, with most African countries left struggling to recover from Covid-19 due to high levels of inequality, poverty and unemployment exacerbated by unequal distribution of vaccines.

“Covid-19 should have been a decisive wake-up call to deal with inequality and poverty. Instead, we have seen deeper inequality and greater instability in Africa exacerbated by global powers, especially rich countries, who failed to ensure that big pharma distributed vaccines equally between states to ensure the same level of recovery from the Covid-19 pandemic,” said Deprose Muchena, Amnesty International’s Director for East and Southern Africa.

“As things stand now, most African countries will take long to recover from Covid-19 due to high levels of inequality and poverty. The after-effects of Covid-19 have been most damaging to the most marginalized communities, including those on the front lines of endemic poverty from Angola to Zambia, Ethiopia to Somalia and the Central Africa Republic to Sierra Leone.”

Corporate greed and self-interested nationalism undercuts vaccination in Africa

Multiple waves of the pandemic tore through Africa, having a devastating impact on human rights. Governments’ efforts, in countries such as Somalia, South Africa, Zambia, Senegal and Sierra Leone, to stem its tide were hindered by the global vaccine inequality created by pharmaceutical companies and wealthy nations. By the year’s end, less than 8% of the continent’s 1.2 billion people had been fully vaccinated.

Nearly 9 million cases and more than 220,000 deaths were recorded during the year. South Africa remained the epicenter of the pandemic, in terms of reported cases and deaths.

Meanwhile, wealthy states such as EU member states, the UK and the USA stockpiled more doses than needed, whilst turning a blind eye as Big Pharma put profits ahead of people, refusing to share their technology to enable wider distribution of vaccines. In 2021, Pfizer, BioNTech and Moderna projected eye-watering profits of up to US$54 billion yet supplied less than 2% of their vaccines to low-income countries. Vaccination distribution continues to be painfully slow across the continent, igniting fears of deepening poverty and a prolonged economic recovery.

Rich and powerful countries used money and their political influence to procure hundreds of millions of doses, shutting poor countries out of the market.

Samira Daoud, Amnesty International's West and Central Africa Director

“Rich and powerful countries used money and their political influence to procure hundreds of millions of doses, shutting poor countries out of the market,” said Samira Daoud, Amnesty International West and Central Africa Director.

“The result was inequitable distribution of these much-needed vaccines, meaning that most people in low-income countries would become the last to be inoculated, as if one’s financial status or nationality was the qualifying criteria to get vaccinated.”

Pandemic lays bare poor healthcare infrastructure, and inequality, while gender-based violence continued to increase across Africa

The devastating consequences of collusion between corporate giants and western governments was compounded by health systems and economic and social support crumbling under the weight of decades of neglect. The result was rising poverty, inequality and food insecurity. Nowhere was this felt more clearly and cruelly than in Africa, which is why Amnesty International launches its report today from South Africa.

With less than 8% of the continent’s population fully vaccinated by the end of 2021, it holds the lowest vaccination rate in the world, beleaguered by insufficient supplies provided to the COVAX facility, the Africa Vaccine Acquisition Trust and through bilateral donations.

Too often, supplies were insufficient, or their arrival times unpredictable, making it hard for governments to build trust among their populations and structure effective roll out campaigns. In countries like DRC, Malawi and South Sudan vaccine deliveries arrived with short expiry dates forcing authorities to destroy supplies or return the bulk for reallocation to other countries.

The Covid-19 pandemic also highlighted the region’s chronic lack of investment in health sectors over many decades. The already inadequate healthcare systems in most countries were severely strained, especially during the pandemic’s third wave. In Somalia, only one hospital in Mogadishu, the capital, handled all Covid-19-related cases across south central regions for much of the year. Allegations of corruption, including in relation to Covid-19 funds, further undermined health sectors in many countries, including Cameroon and South Africa.

The pandemic has also resulted in many people across Africa left behind in terms of education, including Uganda, which will result in cementing inequality going forward. In South Africa, approximately 750,000 children had dropped out of school by May, over three times the pre-pandemic number.

Gender discrimination and inequality remained entrenched in African countries. Major concerns documented in the region included spikes in gender-based violence, limited access to sexual and reproductive health services and information, the persistence of early and forced marriage, and the exclusion of pregnant girls from schools.

Conflict continues across Africa amidst weak regional and international response

The global failure to build a global response to the pandemic mirrored the global and African Union’s failure to address human rights violations in conflicts on the African continent.

The global failure to build a global response to the pandemic mirrored the global and African Union’s failure to address human rights violations in conflicts on the African continent.

Amnesty International

Human rights abuses in the conflicts on the continent continued unabated in 2021 partly because of the inaction of the African Union Peace and Security Council. Its failure to act on atrocities was most evident in relation to the conflicts in Ethiopia and Mozambique. Despite harrowing accounts of human rights violations that continuously emerged from the conflicts in the two countries, the Peace and Security Council remained disturbingly silent.

New and unresolved conflicts erupted or persisted in Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Central African Republic, Nigeria, Cameroon, Ethiopia, South Sudan and Mozambique, with warring parties violating international human rights and humanitarian law. In their wake, civilians were made collateral damage, millions were displaced, thousands killed, hundreds subjected to sexual violence, and already fragile healthcare and economic systems were brought to the brink.

In the conflict in northern Ethiopia, the Ethiopian government forces alongside the Eritrean Defense Forces (EDF), and the Amhara police and militia continued to fight against the Tigrayan forces in a conflict that started in November 2020, affecting millions. During the conflict, members of the EDF, as well as Ethiopian security forces and militia, committed serious human rights violations, including sexual violence against women, unlawful killings, and forced displacement. Tigrayan forces also were responsible for serious violations, including unlawful killings, rape and other sexual violence constituting crimes against humanity and war crimes.

Humanitarian aid was denied to millions of people in Tigray, resulting in many facing life-threatening conditions. Detainees in West Tigray were subjected to torture, extrajudicial execution, starvation, and denial of medical care.

In Mozambique, civilians continued to be caught between three armed forces in the conflict in Cabo Delgado, in which more than 3,000 people have died since the conflict began in October 2017. Nearly 1 million people (primarily women, children and older people) were internally displaced as a result of the war.

In Central African Republic, unlawful attacks, including killings and other violations and abuses of international humanitarian and human rights law, some of which amount to war crimes, were committed by all parties to the conflict. According to the UN, members of the Coalition of Patriots for Change (CPC) attacked and looted health centres in Mbomou prefecture in January.

In Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso, hundreds of civilians were killed by various armed groups. 

Governments hiding behind security and Covid-19 to stifle dissent

Global trends to stifle independent and critical voices gathered steam in 2021 across Sub-Saharan Africa as governments deployed a widening gamut of tools and tactics.

Measures to curb the spread of Covid-19 provided additional pretext for the repression of peaceful dissent across the region, with the first instinct of many governments to ban peaceful protests, citing health and safety concerns, including in Cameroon, Chad, Côte d’Ivoire, Lesotho and Zimbabwe.

Amnesty International

Measures to curb the spread of Covid-19 provided additional pretext for the repression of peaceful dissent across the region, with the first instinct of many governments to ban peaceful protests, citing health and safety concerns, including in Cameroon, Chad, Côte d’Ivoire, Lesotho and Zimbabwe.

Meanwhile, in countries like Eswatini and South Sudan, organizers were arrested, and the internet disrupted to derail planned protests. Security forces used excessive force to break up peaceful protests of hundreds or thousands of people who defied bans. In over 12 countries, including Angola, Benin, Senegal, Chad, Eswatini, Guinea, Nigeria, Sierra Leone and Sudan, many people died when security forces fired live ammunition. In Eswatini, the violent dispersal of pro-democracy protests resulted in 80 deaths and more than 200 injuries over five months. In Sudan, at least 53 people died when security forces used live ammunition to disperse protests against the October military coup.

In Chad, at least 700 people protesting against the electoral process and later against the establishment of the transitional government were arrested. In DRC, three activists arrested in North Kivu for organizing a peaceful sit-in to protest mismanagement in a local healthcare administration remained in detention. In Eswatini, at least 1,000 pro-democracy protesters, including 38 children, were arbitrarily arrested.

“Instead of providing room for discussion and debate so sorely needed on how best to meet the challenges of 2021, many states redoubled efforts to muzzle critical voices.”

Human rights wins against all odds

Nevertheless, 2021 was not all doom and gloom. Some key human rights wins were recorded across Sub-Saharan Africa after persistent campaigning for freedoms.

In 2022, if governments are intent on building back broken – then we are left with little option.  We must fight their every attempt to muzzle our voices and we must stand up to their every betrayal.

Amnesty International

Following months of relentless pro-democracy protests by the people of Eswatini, King Mswati conceded to calls for dialogue to negotiate the future of the country with pro-democracy protesters. This offers new hope for a country where political reforms were not up for negotiations with the monarch.

In Sudan, we saw people’s power in full display when civilians took to the streets in October to reject a military takeover of power by soldiers and reversals of human rights gains during the transitional period.

In Cote d’Ivoire and Guinea, dozens of members or sympathizers of opposition parties as well as members of civil society organizations who were arbitrary arrested for having simply exercised their freedoms of expression or peaceful assembly were released.

Reclaiming our freedoms

In 2022, if governments are intent on building back broken – then we are left with little option.  We must fight their every attempt to muzzle our voices and we must stand up to their every betrayal. It is why, in the coming weeks, we are launching a global campaign of solidarity with people’s movements, a campaign demanding respect for the right to protest. We must build and harness global solidarity, even if our leaders won’t.

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Authorities in Côte d’Ivoire must put an end to the persistent attacks against civil society activists and opposition members, Amnesty International said ahead of the country’s Independence Day on 7 August.

14 activists have been arrested since the beginning of the year in a crackdown of dissenting voices. They include online activist Soro Tangboho, alias ‘Carton Noir’, whose sentence was increased from one to two years in prison following a full retrial on appeal of his case.

Tomorrow’s celebration of the Independence Day should be an opportunity that President Alassane Ouattara and his government must take to respect and promote the rights to freedom of association, expression and peaceful assembly.

Marie-Evelyne Petrus Barry, Amnesty International West and Central Africa Regional Director.

“The growing threats on peaceful activists and opposition members in this period of tense political activity may throw the country into instability ahead of next year’s elections,” said Marie-Evelyne Petrus Barry, Amnesty International West and Central Africa Regional Director.

“Tomorrow’s celebration of the Independence Day should be an opportunity that President Alassane Ouattara and his government must take to respect and promote the rights to freedom of association, expression and peaceful assembly.”

Carton Noir was arbitrarily arrested on 8 November 2018 in the northern town of Korhogo while live streaming a video on Facebook showing police officers who were, according to him, extorting money from motorists.

He has been accused of ‘disrupting public order’ and ‘incitement to xenophobia’, detained and sentenced to one-year in prison. On 7 June 2019 a prosecutor appealed his one-year prison sentence and a full retrial of his case started on 24 July. He was sentenced on appeal to two years in prison on 31 July.

Prior to Carton Noir’s sentencing, six members of ‘les Indignés’ a civil society coalition, were arrested on 23 July, in front of the Election Commission headquarters while they were set to meet with officials following the postponement of a peaceful gathering planned the same day.

Nahounou Daleba a member of the coalition told Amnesty International:

“We had postponed our gathering and were going to the Electoral Commission for a meeting; but we were surprised to find tanks and police in front of the building. We were then arrested and taken to the police where we were questioned without a lawyer and then detained until the next day.” 

Opposition members are also harassed by authorities.

Professor Bamba Moriféré, President of the opposition party Rassemblement du Peuple pour la Côte d’Ivoire (RPCI in French), was arrested on 7 July in Abidjan and taken to the police before being released hours later. He was one of the main organizers of a 6 July rally which gathered opposition and civil society activists to denounce the fact that biometric national identity cards are not free, and a draft law reforming the Independent Electoral Commission. On 11 July he was again questioned by the police and accused of ‘incitement to insurrection, xenophobia and public disorder’.

On 1 July, Valentin Kouassi, a young opposition member was arrested by the police and brought to an unknown location without access to his lawyers following a rally he organized on 23 June in the southern town of Adzopé. He was released later, put under judicial supervision, charged with public disorder and prohibited from expressing himself in public on current affairs, on social media and to participating in meetings. 

“Authorities have targeted and arrested activists and opposition members solely for expressing their political views or organizing peaceful protests. The government should release all such persons immediately and unconditionally and ensure that no one is arrested and imprisoned for that,” said Marie-Evelyne Petrus Barry.

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“The acquittal of Gbagbo and Blé Goudé will be seen as a crushing disappointment to victims of post-election violence in Cote d’Ivoire. However, the judges found that the Office of the Prosecutor had not presented evidence needed to prove its case beyond reasonable doubt. The Chamber ordered both accused to be immediately released.

The acquittal of Gbagbo and Blé Goudé will be seen as a crushing disappointment to victims of post-election violence in Cote d’Ivoire.

Marie-Evelyne Petrus Barry, Amnesty International West and Central Africa Regional Director

“The Office of the Prosecutor has the possibility to appeal this acquittal and the arrangements for the accused to be released will be addressed during a hearing to be held tomorrow morning at the Court.

“This ICC ruling reminds us that fair trial and due process must be at the heart of international criminal justice.

“Victims of the 2010-2011 violence are yet to see justice and reparations for the harm they suffered.”

Background:

Today, Trial Chamber I of the International Criminal Court acquitted former Côte d’Ivoire president Laurent Gbagbo and Charles Blé Goudé, his former youth minister. The Defense Motion for acquittal and immediate release was filed on 23 July 2018 by Laurent Gbagbo’s defence. On 3 August 2018, Charles Blé Goudé’s defence filed a No Case to Answer Motion.
Gbagbo and Blé Goudé were accused of four counts of crimes against humanity: murder, rape, other inhumane acts/ attempted murder, and persecution. These crimes were allegedly committed as post-election violence swept through Côte d’Ivoire between 16 December 2010 and 12 April 2011. Their ICC trial opened on 28 January 2016.

The Chamber concluded by majority that the Prosecutor has failed to demonstrate several core constitutive elements of the crimes as charged, in particular with respect to the causal link between alleged crimes and the accused – including the existence of a policy to commit crimes against civilians, and that public speeches constituted ordering, soliciting or inducing the alleged crimes.

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