Attacks, harassment, intimidation and criminalization of journalists have been escalating in East and Southern Africa for exposing allegations of corruption and human rights violations.

Tigere Chagutah, Director for East and Southern Africa, Amnesty International

“There has been a worrying trend of attacks, harassment, intimidation and the criminalization of journalism across East and Southern Africa demonstrating the length to which authorities are prepared to go to silence the media for exposing allegations of corruption and human rights violations,” said Tigere Chagutah, Amnesty International’s Director for East and Southern Africa.

“Journalists hold up a mirror to society. Targeting them simply for doing their work sends a wrong message that States are not prepared to uphold their human rights obligations and to be held accountable,” said Tabani Moyo, Regional Director for the Media Institute of Southern Africa.

In countries like Zimbabwe, the introduction of the new Cyber and Data Protection Act, which was enacted in December 2021, has been used to intimidate and harass journalists for doing their work and threatens to curtail media freedom further.

Freedom of expression under serious threat across the region

In Ethiopia, media freedom has come under significant attack, with authorities arresting at least 29 journalists and media workers across the country in 2022. The Tigrayan authorities charged five journalists with “collaboration with the enemy”. In May 2022, the police arrested Temesgen Desalegn, editor of Feteh magazine, and subsequently charged him with disclosing military secrets and spreading false rumours. He was released on bail of ETB 30,000 (about US$ 560) in November. In May 2022, the authorities also expelled Tom Gardner, a journalist working for The Economist newspaper based in Addis Ababa, following online harassment by government supporters about his reporting on Ethiopia.

Journalists hold up a mirror to society. Targeting them simply for doing their work sends a wrong message that States are not prepared to uphold their human rights

Tabani Moyo, Regional Director for the Media Institute of Southern Africa

In the Democratic Republic of Congo, journalists were constantly threatened, intimidated, detained and sometimes even killed with impunity in the course of doing their work. The DRC ranked 149 out of 180 on the latest Press Freedom Index (with a 161/180 rank on the security indicator). In its report published in November 2022,  the country’s leading journalists’ rights watchdog, Journalistes En Danger, reported 124 cases of attacks against journalists and media organizations last year alone. The cases included one journalist killed and two who were abducted. Another 37 journalists were arrested, while 18 others were physically assaulted and 17 media organizations or programmes shut down or suspended. A dozen of journalists are currently detained across the DRC, or with pending criminal proceedings in connection with their work.

In Malawi, police arrested Gregory Gondwe, an investigative journalist, in April 2022, for publishing a story alleging police corruption related to the procurement of water cannons, worth millions of US dollars. Gregory Gondwe was, in this instance, released without charge, but is still facing charges related to the illegal transmission of information online, under Section 91 of the Electronic Transaction and Cyber Security Act of 2016, which carries a fine of two million Malawian kwacha (about US$2,500) or imprisonment of up to five years if convicted.

In Mozambique, journalists deemed critical of the government were subjected to threats, harassment and intimidation. Two unidentified men handed a live bullet to Armando Nenane, a journalist and director of the Crónica Jurídica e Juduciária magazine in Maputo. The men claimed to be following orders from their superiors. The incident occurred after a court had cleared Armando Nenane of document forgery and defamation charges brought by the former Minister of Defence. After being cleared, Armando Nenane filed a defamation action against the former minister and members of the intelligence and counter-intelligence.

In Rwanda, journalists operate under the watchful eye of the authorities, often facing surveillance, harassment, intimidation and prosecution for their work. Amnesty International and other civil society organizations made repeated calls for an independent investigation into the death of John Williams Ntwali, a leading journalist, after his death in January 2023. John Williams Ntwali’s family was informed of his death on 19 January 2023, when police asked his brother to identify his body at the Kacyiru Hospital morgue and said that he had died in a motorbike accident in Kimihurura, Kigali in the early hours of 18 January. The car driver who reportedly confessed to causing the accident was convicted in a hasty trial without independent observers present. The lack of details given in the verdict – no precise location of the accident, no mention of video or photo evidence, vague details in the medical report – suggests that no effective investigation took place.

Another journalist, Theoneste Nsengimana, remains in unlawful detention in Rwanda following his arrest in October 2021 for “spreading rumours to cause unrest among the population”.

The Commonwealth Secretariat denied accreditation for the organization’s meeting taking place in Kigali last June to journalists Benedict Moran and Anjan Sundaram. They had published criticism of President Kagame and his government. The secretariat denied their decision was influenced by the host government and indicated that accreditation was denied because the two were not working for “recognised media outlets”.

In South Sudan, nine journalists covering a Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-in-Opposition press conference were briefly arrested by the National Security Service in June 2022 and had their equipment confiscated and audio recordings and photos deleted. The NSS was accused of censorship by the United Nations.

In Somalia, freedom of expression was severely restricted. Journalists were sometimes attacked by security forces and more regularly subjected to threats, harassment, intimidation, beatings, arbitrary arrests, and prosecution. Nine journalists were injured and two media outlets temporarily suspended by the South West State authorities

In October, Somalia’s Ministry of Information issued a directive prohibiting the “dissemination of extremist ideologies from both traditional media broadcasts and social media”. Several media freedom advocates, including the Somali Journalists Syndicate’s secretary general, Abdalle Ahmed Mumin, publicly expressed their concerns about its impact on media freedom and the safety of journalists. Abdalle Mumin was subsequently arrested and charged with several offences under the penal code including instigation to disobey laws. In February 2023, he was sentenced by a Banadir Regional Court to two months jail term for “disobeying government orders”. He was detained at the Mogadishu Central Prison for over a month and was released in late March.

In Tanzania, authorities continued to use repressive media laws to restrict media freedom. On 1 July, the Tanzania Communications Regulatory Authority (TCRA) temporarily suspended DarMpya, an online media outlet, following what it regarded as “complaints… against DarMpya’s content”. The content related to demonstrations by indigenous Maasai people against Kenya’s role in the government’s plans to evict them from their land. In July, the Kenyan journalist Julius Kuyioni was arrested on 7 July on his way to Loliondo and charged with illegal entry in Tanzania. His arrest coincided with the authorities’ attempts to stop journalists covering the Maasai community’s protests against their eviction in Liliondo.

In Zimbabwe, journalists were targeted using a recently introduced cybercrimes law. Between August and September, three journalists became the first people to be arrested under the Cyber and Data Protection Act, which was enacted in December 2021.

Authorities must stop targeting journalists and media organizations for doing their job

Tabani Moyo

Wisdom Mdzungairi, who was the editor-in-chief of Alpha Media Holdings and the editor of NewsDay newspaper, and Desmond Chingarande, a senior reporter at NewsDay, were summoned to Harare Central Police Station in August 2022.

They were questioned in connection with a story they had published on a business enterprise believed to be run by individuals with connections to the government. They were charged with transmitting “false data intending to cause harm” and released only after their lawyer assured officers that they would be available for further questioning when required.

Then on 29 September 2022, a freelance sports journalist, Hope Chizuzu, was arrested under the same law after board members of the Dynamos Football Club filed a complaint against him for reporting on the club. Hope Chizuzu’s mobile phone and iPad were confiscated and kept by the police for “further investigations”. He was released the same day after police issued him with a warning and told him that he would be summoned to appear in court.

In Burundi, journalist Floriane Irangabiye has been detained since August 2022. On 2 January 2023, she was convicted on the trumped-up charge of “undermining the integrity of the national territory” and sentenced to 10 years in prison and a fine of one million Burundian francs (around USD 482). Her prosecution stems from the peaceful exercise of her human rights and for her work as a journalist. On 30 March 2023, the Court of Appeal of Mukaza in Bujumbura held a hearing on her appeal and has 30 days to issue its ruling.

Burundian law enforcement authorities shut down a press conference organized by civil society organizations Words and Actions for the Awakening of Consciences and the Evolution of Mentalities (PARCEM) and the Anti-corruption and Economic Malpractice Observatory (OLUCOME) in March 2022. During the conference, participants had denounced the Ministry of Interior’s measures banning bicycles, tricycles and motorcycles from Bujumbura city centre.

“Press freedom is fundamental to transparent societies. If authorities are committed to building human rights respecting societies and accountable governments, they must stop intimidating and harassing journalists,” Tabani Moyo, Regional Director for the Media Institute of Southern Africa, said.

“Without the press being able to freely report, to scrutinize and hold people in authority or positions of power to account, societies will be plunged into darkness. Authorities must stop targeting journalists and media organizations for doing their job.”

“Authorities must create a conducive environment which allows the press to work without repercussion, intimidation and imprisonment, for doing their job. Journalism should not be criminalized.” said Tigere Chagutah, Amnesty International’s Director for East and Southern Africa.

The post East and Southern Africa: Attacks on journalists on the rise as authorities seek to suppress press freedom appeared first on Amnesty International.

“This is an opportunity for the Burundian authorities to ensure accountability for serious human rights violations. Alain-Guillaume Bunyoni, in his previous role as minister of public security, had oversight responsibility for the police, who violently repressed real and perceived political opponents.  Amnesty International has documented the involvement of Désiré Uwamahoro, who held several senior positions in the police, in such violations.”

This is an opportunity for the Burundian authorities to ensure accountability for serious human rights violations.

Flavia Mwangovya, Deputy Regional Director, Amnesty International

The Burundian authorities should investigate all allegations of their involvement in serious human rights violations and crimes under international law, and  if there is sufficient admissible evidence, bring anyone suspected of being responsible to justice in fair trials. Authorities must also provide victims with access to justice and effective remedies.”

“However, the lack of transparency around the arrests and detention is worrying. Authorities must ensure that those arrested are immediately allowed access to their lawyers and family visits. Authorities must also ensure that their rights to a fair trial, and rights to freedom from torture and other ill-treatment, are fully respected. They must also refrain from reprisals against Alain-Guillaume Bunyoni’s family, who were reportedly held incommunicado in their house for five days. Unless family members are also targeted by the investigation, there is no legitimate reason why they should not be allowed to move and communicate freely.”

Authorities must also provide victims with access to justice and effective remedies.

Flavia Mwangovya

Background

Alain-Guillaume Bunyoni’s homes in the economic capital Bujumbura, and in Rutana in south-eastern Burundi, were searched on 17 April. The Minister of Interior said on 19 April that Alain-Guillaume Bunyoni’s whereabouts were unknown, but confirmed that Désiré Uwamahoro had been arrested on 18 April and was being interrogated. Amnesty International has previously documented and reported on human rights violations committed both by the police falling under Alain-Guillaume Bunyoni’s oversight as minister, and by Désiré Uwamahoro, who has held several senior positions in the police.

Reports began to circulate on Friday 21 April that Bunyoni had been arrested in Bujumbura Rural. On 22 April, the National Human Rights Commission tweeted that they had visited Alain-Guillaume Bunyoni in detention, and that he had not been tortured or subjected to any other abuses, and that his family had been informed. They did not specify where he was being detained, or on what grounds.

According to a statement issued by the Prosecutor General of the Republic on 23 April, he had been arrested on 21 April at Nyamuzi in Bujumbura Rural province, without mentioning what he was accused of.

On 24 April, the spokesperson for the Supreme Court confirmed during a press conference that he was being held by the Service National de Renseignements (SNR, National Intelligence Service) and that he was accused of threatening national security, the good functioning of the national economy, and illegally receiving interest. She also confirmed that his family did not yet have the right to visit him but that this restriction would soon be lifted. It is not known whether he has access to a lawyer.

His wife and four of their children were reportedly not allowed to leave their house from 17 April until 22 April. His daughter, who is outside the country, tweeted that she was unable to contact them throughout that time.

Alain-Guillaume Bunyoni served as prime minister under President Ndayishimiye from June 2020 until September 2022, when he was dismissed after the president accused unnamed people of plotting a coup against him. The 51-year-old had previously held the position of minister of public security from August 2015 to June 2020, as well as from 2007 to 2011, and was one of a core group of leaders who dominate the ruling party, the National Council for the Defence of Democracy-Forces for the Defence of Democracy (Conseil national pour la défense de la démocratie-Forces pour la défense de la démocratie, CNDD-FDD).

In its 2017 decision to open an inquiry into the situation in Burundi, the International Criminal Court cited the reported information that the basement of Alain-Guillaume Bunyoni’s residence in Bujumbura was used as an unofficial place of detention. He was under on a US sanctions list from 2015 to November 2021, when the programme came to an end. In December 2022, the US placed him under travel restrictions “for his involvement in a gross violation of human rights”.

The post Burundi: Arrest of former prime minister an opportunity for accountability appeared first on Amnesty International.

The five human rights defenders are accused of rebellion and of undermining internal state security and the functioning of public finances. The charges appear to relate only to their relationship with an international organization abroad and the funding they have received from this organization. Two of the defenders work for the Association of Women Lawyers in Burundi (Association des femmes juristes du Burundi, AFJB) and three for the Association for Peace and the Promotion of Human Rights in Burundi (Association pour la paix et la promotion des droits de l’Homme, APDH).

“The arrests of the five human rights defenders and the serious charges brought against them signal a worsening climate for independent civil society in Burundi,” said Clémentine de Montjoye, Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. “If working in partnership with or receiving funding from international groups is treated as a criminal offense and a threat to state security, what little space was left for civil society to operate in Burundi will be closed.”

The arrests of the five human rights defenders and the serious charges brought against them signal a worsening climate for independent civil society in Burundi.

Clémentine de Montjoye, Africa researcher, Human Rights Watch

On February 16, Martin Niteretse, Minister of Interior, Community Development and Public Security, accused the organizations of working with an international non-governmental organization.

Intelligence agents arrested four of the defenders – Sonia Ndikumasabo, president, and Marie Emerusabe, general coordinator, of AFJB; and Audace Havyarimana, legal representative, and Sylvana Inamahoro, executive director, of APDH – on February 14 at Bujumbura’s Melchior Ndadaye Airport as they were preparing to fly to Uganda for a meeting with partners.

Prosper Runyange, the APDH land project coordinator, was arrested in Ngozi on February 14 and transferred to Bujumbura the next day. The five defenders were held at the National Intelligence Service (Service national de renseignement, SNR) headquarters in Bujumbura, then transferred to Mpimba central prison in Bujumbura, on February 17. On March 2, the high court of Ntahangwa in Bujumbura confirmed their pre-trial detention.

Niteretse told the media: “The case is ongoing. The results we have at the moment show that there is a high probability that there is a risk of financing of terrorism through these funds. We must be vigilant on all points to ensure that nothing disturbs peace and public order.” Under international human rights law and standards, seeking, obtaining and using financial resources, including from foreign and international sources, is a vital component of the right to freedom of association. Undue restrictions on resources available to organizations have a negative impact on the right to freedom of association.

The two organizations work on gender-based violence and land rights and are officially registered in Burundi. They help some of the most marginalized groups in Burundian society. The judicial authorities’ decision to pursue prosecution of the defenders, apparently solely on the grounds of their organizations’ partnership with and funding from an international organization, has triggered fears of another civil society crackdown in Burundi and undermines the president’s stated reform agenda, the organizations said.

In October 2018, the authorities suspended the activities of most foreign organizations in Burundi and forced them to re-register, which included submitting documentation that stated the ethnicity of their Burundian employees.

The government policy, based on a law on foreign non-governmental organizations, adopted in January 2017, caused some international organizations to close their offices in Burundi because they disagreed with government-imposed ethnic quotas and objected to the requirement to provide information on the ethnicity of their staff. Some said they feared that submitting this information could put their employees at risk of ethnic profiling and targeting.

“The charges of endangering state security and rebellion against these five human rights defenders are absurd,” said Carina Tertsakian from the Burundi Human Rights Initiative. “If the authorities have questions about their sources of funding, these can be solved through normal administrative channels, as provided for by the law.”

The charges of endangering state security and rebellion against these five human rights defenders are absurd.  

Carina Tertsakian, Burundi Human Rights Initiative.

During late President Pierre Nkurunziza’s third and final term, from 2015 to 2020, independent civil society and media were often targeted, and their members attacked, forcibly disappeared, detained, and threatened. Scores of human rights defenders and journalists fled the country, and many remain in exile. There has been almost total impunity for these crimes.

Since President Évariste Ndayishimiye came to power in June 2020 and despite his promises to restore freedom of expression and association, the government’s hostility toward Burundi’s once thriving civil society and media remains. The arrests of the five rights defenders followed the conviction, on January 2, 2023, of an online journalist, Floriane Irangabiye, to 10 years in prison, on charges of “undermining the integrity of the national territory” in violation of her rights to free speech and to a fair trial.

These latest arrests and Irangabiye’s conviction reverse a brief moment of optimism after the acquittal and release, in December, of Tony Germain Nkina, a lawyer and former human rights defender who spent more than two years unjustly imprisoned on unsubstantiated charges of collaboration with a rebel group. Twelve human rights defenders and journalists in exile were convicted in June 2020 of participating in a May 2015 coup attempt. The verdict, which was only made public in February 2021, came after a deeply flawed trial during which the defendants were absent and did not have legal representation, flouting the most basic due process principles. The 12 were found guilty of “attacks on the authority of the State,” “assassinations,” and “destruction.”

The arrest of Ndikumasabo, Emerusabe, Havyarimana, Inamahoro, and Runyange appears to be designed to punish the human rights defenders and their organizations for collaborating with an international organization, obstruct their organizations’ activities, and intimidate other activists. Such behavior belies Burundian authorities’ claims that they respect human rights and further stains the image of openness and reform that they try to project internationally, the organizations said.

Burundi authorities must allow civil society to do its valuable work, without harassment.

Flavia Mwangovya, Deputy Regional Director, Amnesty International

“Actions speak louder than words,” said Flavia Mwangovya, Deputy Regional Director at Amnesty International. “If the Burundian authorities want their human rights promises to be taken seriously, they should allow civil society to do its valuable work – including defending and assisting victims of human rights violations – without harassment.”

The post Burundi: Free five rights defenders, drop charges; end civil society crackdown appeared first on Amnesty International.

“To protect everyone’s right to health, equitable access to Covid-19 vaccines is essential. Global pharmaceutical companies and world leaders must fulfil their respective human rights responsibilities and obligations.

Deprose Muchena, Amnesty International's Director for East and Southern Africa

The vaccines that do make it to East Africa are often supplied at short notice on an unpredictable schedule with little time remaining before they expire, complicating efforts to roll out effective vaccination campaigns. In one example, in April 2021, South Sudan destroyed 59,000 doses that they had received just two weeks before the expiry date.

“To protect everyone’s right to health, equitable access to Covid-19 vaccines is essential. Global pharmaceutical companies and world leaders must fulfil their respective human rights responsibilities and obligations. They must ramp up fair distribution of vaccines and ensure that a fair number of doses go to low-income countries, including in East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes,” said Deprose Muchena, Amnesty International’s Director for East and Southern Africa.

This lack of predictability and clear supply timelines has also contributed to undermining trust in national vaccination programmes, with vaccines often unavailable at vaccination centres after people have been told to return for their second dose.

Supply issues have also made it more difficult to reach the most at-risk groups. While all countries in the region identified older people and people with chronic health conditions as priority groups for vaccination, inadequate supply has meant the rate of uptake among these groups has remained consistently low throughout the region.

They must ramp up fair distribution of vaccines and ensure that a fair number of doses go to low-income countries, including in East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes

Deprose Muchena

Inadequate supply of vaccines has a direct impact on the lives, health outcomes and livelihoods of populations in the region. Apart from a short, phased reopening between February and June 2021, schools in Uganda have remained closed since March 2020. Large numbers of people in countries across the region reported losing income and missing or delaying meals and health appointments as a result.

Background

To date, less than 8% of people in Africa have been fully vaccinated against Covid-19. East Africa, Horn and Great Lakes has some of lowest rates in world, with 0.01% fully vaccinated in Burundi and 0.07% in DRC. The highest is Rwanda with 29% but most countries in region remain below 6%.

Recent research by the organization has found that pharmaceutical giant Pfizer has made misleading statements about its commitment to vaccine fairness, as it continues to supply the majority of its Covid-19 doses to wealthy nations.

Amnesty International is calling on wealthy states who have stockpiled Covid-19 vaccines to urgently redistribute surplus vaccines to low- and lower-middle-income countries. Pharmaceutical companies should deliver at least 50% of vaccines they produce between now and 31 December to low and lower-middle income countries whilst ensuring timely and predictable supply.

The organization is also calling on wealthy states and pharmaceutical companies to urgently increase the global supply of Covid-19 vaccines through the temporary suspension of intellectual property rights and sharing of technology, resources and know-how.

The post East Africa: Global pharmaceutical firms must improve vaccine distribution across the region to save lives appeared first on Amnesty International.

“It is terrific news that Germain is finally free. He should never have been jailed in the first place – as he was arrested, prosecuted and convicted simply for his human rights work.”

It is terrific news that Germain is finally free.

Deprose Muchena

“This is a great moment for Germain, his family and friends and the hundreds of thousands of people around the world who tirelessly campaigned for his release. It is also a victory for human rights.”

Germain’s release comes after the appeal court on 4 June reduced his sentence from 32 years to one.

The post Burundi: Release of Germain Rukuki a victory for human rights appeared first on Amnesty International.

“This is fantastic news, not only for Germain and his family, but also for hundreds of thousands of human rights campaigners around the world who have tirelessly campaigned for his release over the past four years.

“The appeal court’s decision to reduce his prison term from 32 years to one is a step in the right direction. But Germain should never have been jailed in the first place, and his conviction on the  charge of rebellion still needs to be quashed.”

Germain has spent four years behind bars simply for his human rights work. He was convicted and jailed in 2018 on trumped-up charges. In a decision dated 4 June, but only publicly announced yesterday, the Ntahangwa Court of Appeal overturned Germain’s conviction for “participation in an insurrectional movement”, “threatening internal state security”, and “attack on the authority of the State.” His conviction for “rebellion” was, however, upheld. With his sentence reduced to one year in prison and a fine of 50,000 Burundian francs (roughly 25 USD), Germain is expected to be released soon.

For previous reporting on the case, please see:

Burundi: 32-year sentence for defending human rights an insult to justice | Amnesty International

Burundi: Human rights defender jailed for 32 years must be released | Amnesty International

Burundi: Global campaign to free Germain Rukuki launched today | Amnesty International

OPED: Time to release Burundian human rights defender Germain Rukuki | Amnesty International

Burundi: Authorities must quash Germain Rukuki’s conviction and release him | Amnesty International

The post Burundi: Germain Rukuki’s prison sentence cut from 32 years to one appeared first on Amnesty International.

Across the region, media workers have been laid off, television stations suspended or shutdown, private press targeted and journalists intimidated in a heavy blow to the right to freedom of expression and access to information.

“What we have witnessed in the past year, as far as media and journalistic freedom is concerned, can only be described as a dark period,” said Deprose Muchena, Amnesty International’s Director for East and Southern Africa, on World Press Freedom Day.

“This blatant attack on independent journalism across the region – sends a chilling message that dissent and the uncovering of uncomfortable truths will not be tolerated. National authorities across East and Southern Africa must stop this roll back of media freedoms and ensure that media professionals are safe and protected to do their job.”

Angola

On 19 April 2021, the Ministry of Telecommunications, Information Technologies and Social Communication (MINTTICS) announced the suspension of the licences of three television channels, Zap Viva, Vida TV and TV Record Africa Angola, resulting in the loss of hundreds of jobs. In its statement, MINTTICS alleged that the media companies were operating under provisional registrations and would remain suspended until the regularization of their status. The three media companies were taken aback by the suspension of their licences, as they alleged not receiving prior information or notification of any administrative procedure against them.

Burundi

In Burundi, four journalists were granted presidential pardon and released from prison in December 2020. They had been arrested in October 2019 on their way to report on clashes in Bubanza province and in January 2020 convicted of an “impossible” attempt to threaten internal state security, sentenced to two-and-a-half years in prison and fined BIF1 million (US$525). Their release and the reopening of Bonesha FM radio in February are positive developments, but severe restrictions on media freedom continue.

Madagascar

In Madagascar, authorities issued a decree on 22 April banning all radio stations and audio-visual programmes “susceptible of threatening public order and security and threatening national unity”. The decree was later reversed on 26 April after strong backlash from civil society and media organizations. It was replaced by another decree forcing radio stations and television programmes to submit and uphold a ‘letter of commitment’ with the Ministry in charge of communication in exchange for being able to go on air, and maintained the ban on all radio and audiovisual programmes which include interventions likely to ‘threaten public order and security, to damage national unity or encourage civil disobedience’.

Mozambique

The threat to media freedom in Mozambique took a shocking turn on 23 August 2020 when a media house was petrol-bombed by a group of unidentified people. The group broke into the offices of the independent weekly newspaper Canal de Moçambique, doused them in petrol and set them alight with a Molotov cocktail, extensively destroying equipment, furniture and files.

The attack came four days after the newspaper published an investigative story alleging unethical procurement by politically connected individuals and senior government officials, involving natural gas companies in Cabo Delgado, at the Ministry of Mineral Resources and Energy.

Somalia

In Somalia, journalists faced an increasingly repressive working environment. They were beaten, harassed, threatened, subjected to arbitrary arrests, and were intimidated by the authorities, including by police, military and other government officials throughout south central Somalia and in Puntland. Authorities also restricted access to information. Three journalists were killed in Somalia since last year by the armed group Al-Shabaab and by other unidentified individuals. Journalists also faced trumped up prosecutions in Mogadishu and in Garowe, Puntland. Two of the journalists Mohamed Abdiwahab Nur (Abuja) and Kilwe Adan Farah were subjected to military court prosecutions.

Zambia

On 9 April 2020, Zambian authorities ordered the cancellation of independent television news channel Prime TV’s broadcasting licence. The decision was made after the station allegedly refused to air the government’s COVID-19 public awareness campaigns because it was owed money for airing previous state-sponsored advertisements.

Prime TV, which depends on advertising revenue to pay the salaries of its staff and other operational costs, remains closed.

Zimbabwe

In Zimbabwe, freelance journalist and anti-corruption activist, Hopewell Chin’ono, has been the subject of police intimidation and harassment, having been detained three times between July 2020 and January 2021. He has spent more than 80 days in detention for exposing government corruption and supporting the right to freedom of peaceful assembly.

On 28 April, the High Court quashed charges against Chin’ono of communicating false information following months of persecution. The court ruled that the law used by the police to arrest him in January no longer exists.

However, Chin’ono is still facing trial for alleged obstruction of justice on another case.

During COVID-19, security forces used restrictions as a pretext to justify the harassment and intimidation of journalists and other media workers. At least 25 journalists were assaulted and arbitrarily arrested and detained while working. Journalists were frequently ordered to delete their videos or photographs without a valid reason.

“A vibrant, independent and free press is the cornerstone of any free society. It allows for the free flow of information and ideas that build countries,” said Deprose Muchena.

“Authorities must do more than pay lip service to freedom of expression. They must protect journalists, guarantee media freedom and provide a remedy for those journalists whose rights have been violated.”

The post East and Southern Africa: Media freedoms curtailed as COVID-19 regional crises expose urgent need for access to information appeared first on Amnesty International.

Germain Rukuki is serving a 32-year prison term on baseless charges of ‘rebellion’ and ‘threatening state security’, when all he did was stand up for human rights

Deprose Muchena, Amnesty International's Director for East and Southern Africa

“Germain Rukuki is serving a 32-year prison term on baseless charges of ‘rebellion’ and ‘threatening state security’, when all he did was stand up for human rights,” said Deprose Muchena, Amnesty International’s Director for East and Southern Africa.

“He must be immediately and unconditionally released, and his conviction overturned.”

 The Appeal Court of Ntahangwa will hold today’s hearing at Ngozi Prison, where Rukuki has spent almost four years behind bars.

He must be immediately and unconditionally released, and his conviction overturned

Deprose Muchena

In June 2020, Burundi’s Supreme Court overturned an earlier Appeal Court decision that had confirmed Rukuki’s sentence, and ordered the Appeal Court to reconsider the appeal with a new panel of judges. It cited procedural irregularities following a change of judges midway through the initial appeal proceedings.

Amnesty International considers Rukuki a prisoner of conscience detained solely on account of his human rights work and has campaigned for his release since he was arrested in 2017. In its flagship Write for Rights letter-writing campaign in 2020, more than 400,000 messages were sent by people from all over the world calling for Rukuki’s release.

Rukuki joined the human rights movement when he was still a student, volunteering and later working as staff member for ACAT-Burundi, an anti-torture organization. ACAT-Burundi was suspended in 2015 and permanently shut down in 2016 by the authorities, along with four other human rights groups that also opposed President Nkurunziza’s bid for a third term. Rukuki had moved to another organization at the time of his arrest, but his previous employment at ACAT-Burundi formed the basis of the charges against him.

The post Burundi: Authorities must quash Germain Rukuki’s conviction and release him appeared first on Amnesty International.

The Burundian authorities must overturn human rights defender Germain Rukuki’s conviction and release him immediately and unconditionally, Amnesty International said today as it launched its annual letter-writing human rights campaign, Write for Rights.

Germain Rukuki has been behind bars for more than three years on trumped-up charges. During this period, he has not seen his family or held his youngest son who was born after his arrest. Rukuki is paying the price for his dedication to human rights in a country where the government and ruling party remain intolerant of any form of dissent.

Deprose Muchena, Amnesty International’s Regional Director for East and Southern Africa.

“Germain Rukuki has been behind bars for more than three years on trumped-up charges. During this period, he has not seen his family or held his youngest son who was born after his arrest. Rukuki is paying the price for his dedication to human rights in a country where the government and ruling party remain intolerant of any form of dissent,” said Deprose Muchena, Amnesty International’s Regional Director for East and Southern Africa.

“We are calling on the world to stand in solidarity with Germain Rukuki, a prisoner of conscience detained solely for peacefully exercising his right to freedom of expression, and write a letter urging the Burundian authorities calling to release him and for an end to their crackdown on human rights defenders.”

Rukuki was arrested in July 2017 and is serving a 32-year prison sentence after he was convicted of “rebellion”, “threatening State security”, “participation in an insurrectional movement” and “attack on the authority of the State”

In June 2020 the Supreme Court vacated the Appeal Court’s rejection of his appeal the previous year citing procedural irregularities  and directed the Appeal Court to hear the appeal again.  A new hearing date has not yet been announced.

Many human rights defenders, opposition leaders and journalists have fled Burundi since the 2015 violent crackdown on protests against the late president Pierre Nkurunziza’s decision to run for a third term, and those who remained have been subjected to threats and reprisals, including physical attacks and enforced disappearances.

Rukuki joined the human rights movement when he was still a student, volunteering  and later working as staff member for ACAT-Burundi, an anti-torture organization. ACAT-Burundi was suspended in 2015 and permanently shut down in 2016, along with four other human rights groups that also opposed President Nkurunziza’s bid for a third term. He had moved to another organization at the time of his arrest, but his previous employment at ACAT-Burundi formed the basis of the charges against him.

Every December, in what has become the world’s biggest human rights event, people around the world write millions of letters, emails, tweets, Facebook posts and postcards as part of Amnesty International’s Write for Rights campaign, in support of people whose human rights are under attack. Rukuki’s case is one of the 10 selected for Write for Rights 2020. Other cases featured are from Algeria, Chile, Colombia, Malta, Myanmar, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, South Africa and Turkey.

The post Burundi: Global campaign to free Germain Rukuki launched today appeared first on Amnesty International.

Agnes Ndirubusa © Iwacu

AGNES NDIRUBUSA

A lawyer by training, Agnes, 37, graduated from the University of Burundi in 2011. She began her journalism career in 2009. According to one of her colleagues, she is a seasoned political analyst and the first woman to head the Political Desk at Iwacu Press Group. A single mother to a 12-year-old boy, Agnes joined Iwacu in 2016 at the peak of the crisis in Burundi.

She had previously worked for Rema FM; a private media house believed to be close to the ruling National Council for the Defense of Democracy – Forces for the Defense of Democracy (CNDD-FDD). Rema FM was attacked by unidentified armed men during the attempted coup against the government of the late President Pierre Nkurunziza in 2015.

Agnes’ political savviness is highly appreciated at Iwacu. She is the go-to person when it comes to political analysis. A colleague of hers recognizes that one of her qualities is her power of persuasion. During editorial meetings, she would bring new perspectives into discussions that many wouldn’t have seen at first. In her team, no one can match her network and contact list of the political elite in Burundi. Agnes never hesitates to lend a hand to other teams, like Iwacu’s Web Radio service, as she is an experienced radio presenter from her days at Rema FM.    

It has been a year since Agnes’ son has felt the warmth and care of a mother. When he visits her at the prison in Bubanza province, the separation at the end of the visits is always the hardest and most painful for Agnes. The sole reason Agnes and her son are subjected to this cruelty is because she is a journalist. It is because she dared to seek the truth. It is because the work she does shines a light on the suffering of the most marginalized and the human rights violations that many in Burundi face.

Christine Kamikazi © Iwacu

CHRISTINE KAMIKAZI

Christine was one of the most recognizable voices at Bonesha FM before it was attacked during the attempted coup in May 2015 against late President Pierre Nkurunziza. She started her career as a journalist in 2011.

When Iwacu launched its Web Radio in 2015, they called upon Christine for her excellent reporting skills, and she joined in July 2016. She has a degree in Communication for Development from Bujumbura Light University.

Christine is passionate about politics, security, and social issues, such as education.

Christine’s family is in pain. Her prolonged absence from them is exacerbating their grief. “I can see the suffering of Christine’s parents through their eyes. Every time I pass by them, they look at me questioningly,” says one of Christine’s colleagues.

Egide Harerimana © Iwacu

EGIDE HARERIMANA

Egide Harerimana joined Iwacu three months before he and his colleagues were arrested in Bubanza.

Egide is an English language intern reporter at Iwacu. He joined the house media after graduating in the English language from the University of Burundi. His reports were always on time and well written, according to one of his colleagues.

On 22 October 2019, Egide volunteered to join the team that was heading to Musigati in Bubanza province to investigate the clashes that had occurred overnight between the Burundian security forces and an unidentified armed group. His place is not in prison. He still has a bright career ahead of him.

Terence Mpozenzi © Iwacu

TERENCE MPOZENZI

Térence Mpozenzi is an experienced photojournalist and webmaster at Iwacu, having joined the media house in February 2018.

It is love for telling a story through pictures that led to Terence’s arrest. In fact, on the day that he was arrested with his colleagues, he had insisted on being part of the team heading to Musigati to cover the reported fighting because he wanted professional photos to illustrate a news story of such national importance. He often complained about how his colleagues would forget to take pictures when in the field reporting. He wanted to make sure that for this major story, professional images would be used to catch the readers’ attention.

The post ONE YEAR TOO LONG: BURUNDIANS ARBITRARILY DETAINED FOR THEIR JOURNALISM appeared first on Amnesty International.

More than four years after Jean Bigirimana’s enforced disappearance, the Burundian government’s failure to account for him is an affront to the principles of truth, justice and accountability

Deprose Muchena, Amnesty International's Director for East and Southern Africa

“More than four years after Jean Bigirimana’s enforced disappearance, the Burundian government’s failure to account for him is an affront to the principles of truth, justice and accountability,” said Deprose Muchena, Amnesty International’s Director for East and Southern Africa.

“The agony of Jean Bigirimana’s family is unimaginable. President Ndayishimiye’s government must end the practice of enforced disappearances immediately, and fully investigate and, where there is sufficient evidence of criminal responsibility, prosecute perpetrators of enforced disappearances. Families have the right to know the truth about the fate of their loved ones.”

Until his disappearance, Jean Bigirimana, who had studied law at university, pursued his passion for journalism at the Iwacu Press Group, one of Burundi’s last remaining independent media organizations.

He was among a few journalists who defied the intimidation and harassment that forced many media workers to flee Burundi in the aftermath of the failed coup of 13 May 2015. The coup attempt followed late President Pierre Nkurunziza’s decision to run for a controversial third term in office.

The agony of Jean Bigirimana’s family is unimaginable. President Ndayishimiye’s government must end the practice of enforced disappearances immediately, and fully investigate and, where there is sufficient evidence of criminal responsibility, prosecute perpetrators of enforced disappearances.

Deprose Muchena, Amnesty International's Director for East and Southern Africa

Jean Bigirimana was last seen on 22 July 2016 in Bugarama, Muramvya province, some 45km from the capital Bujumbura. Witnesses reported that he was taken by people believed to be members of Burundi’s National Intelligence Service (Service National de Renseignement – SNR). On that day, one of Jean’s colleagues at Iwacu newspaper received an anonymous call alerting him to the arrest.

Jean Bigirimana’s colleagues at Iwacu immediately started searching for him. When they received information about a sighting of two bodies, they scoured the area with the National Independent Human Rights Commission (CNIDH) and the police. Two bodies were discovered in an advanced state of decomposition, but Godeberthe Hakizimana was able to confirm that neither was her husband’s. The bodies were never identified.

Godeberthe Hakizimana’s efforts to find her husband have been met with hostility; in June 2017, she found a note with death threats in front of her home. Although she reported the matter to the police, there was never any follow-up. Like so many other families of people who have disappeared, Jean Bigirimana’s wife and children have suffered both material consequences and emotional distress while they maintain their hope for answers.

The Burundian government should ratify and implement the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance as a first step towards rebuilding trust with the families of victims and their wider communities

Deprose Muchena, Amnesty International's Director for East and Southern Africa

“The Burundian government should ratify and implement the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance as a first step towards rebuilding trust with the families of victims and their wider communities,” said Deprose Muchena.

“We will continue to fight for truth along with Jean Bigirimana’s family, until they get the answers they deserve.”

The UN Commission of Inquiry on Burundi in its September 2019 report documented “numerous disappearances”, expressing “deep concern” about the frequency of such disappearances.  

The post Burundi: Journalist Jean Bigirimana missing 1,500 days appeared first on Amnesty International.

1. End impunity for human rights violations

The past five years have been marked by an increase in serious human rights violations including extrajudicial executions, enforced disappearances, arbitrary arrests and detention, torture and cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment. These have been carried out primarily by the police, National Intelligence Service (SNR) and the ruling party’s youth wing, Imbonerakure. To turn the page, the new government should end impunity by holding perpetrators of such violations to account. In October 2019, four Imbonerakure members were convicted in Muyinga for killing a member of the opposition party, the National Congress for Freedom (CNL). Delivering justice as in this case should become the new normal in Burundi.

In his inauguration speech, President Ndayishimiye said “all those who commit crimes, whether government members or other dignitaries, must be brought before the competent jurisdictions. All crimes must be punished to avoid falling into the same mistakes as in the past.” He also promised reform of the justice sector. His government should ensure prompt, impartial, independent and effective investigations are conducted into human rights violations and abuses. Members of security forces suspected of responsibility for such violations, and any officials who ordered or condoned such crimes, should be suspended pending investigations and where there is sufficient admissible evidence, those suspected of criminal responsibility should be prosecuted in fair trials.

2. Demobilise the Imbonerakure

The Imbonerakure, the youth wing of the ruling party the National Council for the Defence of Democracy – Forces for the Defence of Democracy (CNDD-FDD), play a variety of roles, some of which are traditional political activities. Imbonerakure groups have intimidated and attacked members of opposition political parties, threatening and inflicting violence on people who refuse to join the ruling party. Most Burundian refugees interviewed by Amnesty International since 2016 said they fled due to insecurity caused by the Imbonerakure.

Since 2014, Imbonerakure have also been part of mixed security committees at the local level. They frequently work on behalf of and alongside the police and the National Intelligence Service (SNR) in carrying out often arbitrary arrests and other human rights violations and abuses. It is not appropriate for a political group to play an active role in security matters, reinforcing or even replacing the traditional security services. The Imbonerakure should have no further involvement in security-related matters. The ruling party should also promptly end the youth wing’s widespread use of violence, harassment and intimidation against their real and suspected opponents. Anyone arming the Imbonerakure or ordering activities that amount to human rights violations and abuses should be held to account.

3. Reveal the fate of victims of enforced disappearances

© Private

The increase of enforced disappearances since 2015 has been particularly chilling. Marie-Claudette Kwizera, a human rights defender working with Ligue Iteka, was abducted in Bujumbura in December 2015. The UN Commission of Inquiry on Burundi said they had credible information she was killed a few days after her disappearance, having first been taken to the SNR offices. Journalist Jean Bigirimana was reportedly arrested by SNR officers in Bugarama, Muramvya province, on 22 July 2016. Despite investigations by his employer Iwacu Press Group, the police and the National Independent Human Rights Commission (CNIDH), he has never been found.

The new government must end enforced disappearances immediately, fully investigate and, where possible, prosecute perpetrators of enforced disappearances and tell families the truth about the fate of their loved ones. The government should also ratify and implement the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance. Burundi signed the Convention in 2007.

4. Release prisoners of conscience

© Private

Several human rights defenders and journalists were arrested and convicted as part of a crackdown on civil society and journalists. Germain Rukuki, a former employee of the anti-torture organization Action by Christians for the Abolition of Torture (ACAT-Burundi), was arrested in July 2017. On 26 April 2018, he was convicted on charges including threatening state security and sentenced to 32 years in prison. Similarly, Nestor Nibitanga was convicted in August 2018 for “threatening state security” and sentenced to five years in prison, after he was found guilty of compiling reports for the Association for the Protection of Human Rights and Detained Persons (APRODH) after the government had closed the organization – an accusation he refutes.

In October 2019, journalists of the Iwacu Press Group Agnès Ndirubusa, Christine Kamikazi, Egide Harerimana and Térence Mpozenzi were arrested with their driver Adolphe Masabarakiza on their way to report on clashes between the security forces and an armed group in Bubanza province. Adolphe Masabarakiza was acquitted but the four journalists were sentenced to two and a half years in prison and each fined one million Burundian francs (approximately 525 USD) for an “impossible attempt” to threaten internal state security.

Amnesty International considers all six to be prisoners of conscience, convicted and sentenced solely on account of their peaceful exercise of their human rights. They should be immediately and unconditionally released.

5. Prioritize progress on women’s rights

Five of out 16 of the new government ministers are women, upholding the 30% requirement laid out in Burundi’s constitution. This is a similar proportion to the previous government. Amnesty International encourages the government to go beyond representation to strengthening promotion and respect for women’s rights as a priority because discriminatory measures have been imposed on women and girls in recent years.

The UN Commission of Inquiry on Burundi has documented numerous cases of sexual violence, primarily against women, but also against girls and men. They found that most of the attacks were committed by state actors or the Imbonerakure. Rape, particularly gang rape, was used to intimidate or punish victims for their perceived political views, or those of their husbands or other male family members.

6. Create a safe environment for refugee returns

President Ndayishimiye in his inauguration speech on 18 June called on Burundians who had fled the country and wanted to come back home to return. While refugee returns have been organized from Tanzania since 2017, Burundians continued to leave the country at a steady rate due to a climate of fear in the country. For returns to be truly voluntary, in line with international law, refugees should not feel compelled to return on account of intimidating messages from government officials or because basic services are withdrawn in the camps. Some who returned to Burundi faced difficulties reintegrating due to insufficient support. Others were accused of supporting the opposition and threatened or physically attacked by the Imbonerakure.  The new government should ensure that returning refugees do not face reprisals and are able to access services.

The new government must demonstrate that it is tackling the issues that pushed people into exile in the first place such as abuses by the Imbonerakure and continued targeting of civil society. In February 2020, the Supreme Court held a hearing in the trial of 12 human rights defenders and journalists accused of “insurrection” who, due to their role in opposing President Nkurunziza’s third term, were accused of involvement in the failed coup attempt of May 2015. None of the accused were present as they were all in exile.

7. Promote effective dialogue

President Ndayishimiye has also emphasized the importance of dialogue in Burundian tradition and encouraged all Burundians to exercise their right to freedom of expression. In the same breath, he challenged political parties; “if they are not speaking the same language as the elected government, what other government do they claim?” He also accused some human rights defenders of working on behalf of the “colonists”.

If the new government is serious about human rights, then they must send a clear, unambiguous message through their words and actions that the right to freedom of expression will be fully and effectively respected, protected, promoted and fulfilled in Burundi. It should also be clear that all acts of intimidation, repression and violence against those who disagree with the ruling party will not be tolerated.

Photo by ONESPHORE NIBIGIRA/AFP via Getty Images

8. Work towards truth and justice

Burundi’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was established in 2014 to investigate and establish the truth about grave violations of human rights and international humanitarian law committed in the period 1962 to 2008, later extended back to 1885. The government should reconsider establishing a judicial mechanism, such as the Special Tribunal discussed during the negotiations on Burundi’s transitional justice mechanisms, which could contribute to ending impunity for past atrocities.

Since the start of 2020, the TRC has been conducting regular and highly publicized exhumations of mass graves, predominantly related to the 1972 massacres. The exhumations and the commentary on them by public officials had been perceived as an attempt to impose a single narrative and to manipulate public sentiment in the run-up to the elections. The process, as conducted, risks retraumatizing family members of victims and others who lived through the atrocities. The government should guard against all political manipulation of the TRC.

On a practical level, the exhumations have not been conducted in a way that would preserve evidence from the graves. They should be put on hold until proper guidelines are in place to exhume further graves with dignity and to the necessary forensic standards, as well as for respectful storage of the human remains exhumed. Communities and families should be urgently consulted on their wishes for the treatment and eventual reburial of their loved ones’ remains.

9. Guarantee the right to health

© Photo by STRINGER/AFP via Getty Images

President Ndayishimiye’s announcement of new measures to tackle COVID-19 on 30 June marked a welcome change in direction in the government’s response to the pandemic. Declaring the disease as “Burundi’s worst enemy”, he announced an increase in mass testing.  On 20 July, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) announced the approval of debt service relief to Burundi that was expected to “free up public resources to help address the pandemic.”

Going forward, the government must take care not to stigmatize people with COVID-19. On 30 June, President Ndayishimiye said people who displayed COVID-19 like symptoms but refused to be tested would be “considered a sorcerer and treated as severely as one would be.” Considering that people accused of practicing witchcraft in the country have been targeted by mob violence, Amnesty International calls on President Ndayishimiye to urgently make it clear that the government would not condone such acts.

The government should ensure that adequate measures are taken to protect the population from avoidable exposure to COVID-19 and ensure such measures are within the law and respect human rights. The government should enable rather than hinder efforts by people in Burundi to safeguard personal and public health. In March 2020, the government spokesperson warned that institutions taking proactive protective measures against COVID-19 (such as closing schools) would face sanctions because their actions were “getting ahead of the government” and intended to “manipulate or disorientate public opinion”. This statement risks deterring people from taking proactive measures to benefit public health.

10. Restart international engagement

President Ndayishimiye has also spoken of the need to improve Burundi’s image abroad on the basis of mutual respect, complementarity and strengthened understanding, while also warning “certain countries and organizations” that try to impose “demands that go against Burundians’ ancestral culture”. Relations between Burundi and many countries have been strained since the start of the political crisis in 2015. In 2016, the European Union suspended direct financial assistance to the Burundian government.

The former government cut off almost all international engagement on human rights issues, including closing the UN human rights office in the country, although the African Union maintained a team of human rights monitors in Burundi. In 2018, the three members of the Commission on Inquiry on Burundi mandated by the Human Rights Council (HRC) were declared persona non grata. In addition to documenting and reporting, the Commission is mandated to dialogue with the government to provide support and advice in order to improve the human rights situation in the country and to combat impunity. Amnesty International urges the new government to re-engage with international and regional human rights mechanisms. More broadly, reviving international engagement and cooperation should reopen important avenues of financial and technical support in working towards the progressive realization of social and economic rights in Burundi.

The detailed human rights agenda can be found here.

The post Explainer: 10 things Burundi’s new government can do to improve human rights appeared first on Amnesty International.